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Full text of "African tribal art from the Jay C. Leff Collection"

AFRICAN TRIBAL ART 



from the Jay C. Leff collection 









The formation of my collection of ancient and tribal art originated 

in a style as far removed from the present areas as one may possibly imagine — 

that of collecting oriental carvings of the 18th through 20th centuries. 

Mention of this is made by way of introducing one of my principal reasons 

for accepting the opportunity and challenge of exhibiting my objects. 

I hope, in exposing my collection to public scrutiny, 

I may encourage others to charge boldly into the cultural ivorld, 

no matter which doorway to this ivorld they may choose. J 

ml. 

Another major reason for exhibiting these objects is born of my 

sincere respect for the peoples whose artistry achieved these monumental ends. 

I trust that eventually this material — mine and others — 

may be judged with less intellectual prejudice and greater artistic discernment, 

to the end that excellent ancient and tribal art objects 

may be recognized as having a vitality, and importance, equal to 

those great works of western art with which we are more familiar. 



Jay C. Leff 



INTRODUCTION 

by 

JACK D. FLAM 
Assistant Professor of Art 
University of Florida 



The impact of African art upon our own traditions of image-making 
has had a double effect on our appreciation of it. The change in Western 
vision and aesthetic sensibilities (brought about partially by the interest 
in African art in the early part of the twentieth century) has enabled us 
to see the artistic value of objects which were formerly considered fit only 
for the ethnographic museum. Yet at the same time we often run the 
risk of confusing African art with contemporary art, expecting to find our 
own aesthetic and ideological values mirrored in the African forms. The 
present exhibition is a case in point: it is composed of excellent examples 
of African art, discriminatingly collected and vividly displayed; doubtless 
the objects on view will be carefully regarded by visitors to the exhibition, 
and will provoke a good deal of thought and discussion — all of which 
would be incomprehensible to the African artist, patron, or functionary. 
African art detached from its traditional purpose is without meaning to 
the African, just as a tool detached from its function is meaningless to us. 

It is, however, impossible for us to observe objects in the field, and 
even if it were possible, we would find that many of the traditional 
African societies for which these objects were made no longer exist. 
Thus, because of the breakdown of traditional social structures in Africa 
and because of obvious geographical limitations, we by necessity must 
confront African art under conditions different from those for which it 
was made. Upon reflection it will be realized that this is true of any 
historical art. Instead, however, of merely resigning ourselves to the 
limitations of time and space we have the alternative of trying to under- 
stand the original condition of African art, and of using this knowledge 
to enrich our experience of the objects before us. One purpose of this 
catalogue is to provide some small sense of the backgrounds of African 
art, and, it is hoped, to stimulate the viewer to make further investigations 
on his own. For that purpose, a short bibliography is appended. 

The bulk of what we call African tribal art is comprised of sculpture 
or plastic arts — easel painting is unknown and the equivalents of mural 
painting are exceedingly rare — produced in a limited part of Sub-Saharan 
African: generally, south of the bend of the Niger River, west of Lake 
Tanganyika, and north of the headwaters of the River Lulua (see map), 
by Negroes belonging to what Joseph Greenberg calls the parent Niger- 
Congo language group. The importance of the fact that most African 
tribal art is plastic (3-dimensional) cannot be overlooked, for it is pre- 
cisely this "tangible" aspect of African art which provides us with direc- 
tion toward a tentative definition of the place of art within the African 
world-view. 

To define an African world-view is more easily talked about, how- 
ever, than done. African culture is not, as is often supposed, a homo- 
genous culture, any more than European culture, for example, can be 



said to be homogeneous. Although we can speak of features which are 
generally common to a geo-cultural area, closer examination always 
reveals important social, ideological and political differences. Ideally, 
then, we should endeavor to balance consideration of local differences 
with the recognition of characteristics relatively common to a culture. 

Quite naturally, the art of the various traditional nations and tribes 
of Africa is related to the social framework of the tribe, and social 
organization varies from monarchies made up of complex aristocratic 
social structure, ruled by divine kingship as in Benin (#31-35) to groups 
composed of a relatively loose confederation of ancestral lineages, as 
among the Warega (#60, 61). The artistic needs of these societies vary 
accordingly. In Benin, we find elaborate altars (#35) plaques, ritual 
gongs, and royal portraits — in short, the aecouterments of a complex 
aristocratic society elaborated in a hybrid stylistic fashion, using an 
advanced technology (such as cire perdue bronze casting). Among the 
Warega we find a relatively limited repertory of objects, most of which 
seem to be connected with the Bwame society, a graded initiation society 
in which advancement is a direct correlative to social status, and in which 
advancement carries with it a hierarchy of ritual objects, produced by a 
relatively unsophistocated technology. Yet despite these differences, art 
among these two peoples serves a basically similar social function: it 
acts as a cohesive element within the society, implicitly representative of 
certain spiritual and social norms around which the society is united. 

Similarly, the role of the African artist and his status within the 
society varies. Among the Bambara (#4, 5) the artist is generally a 
member of the blacksmith caste, both feared and respected for his ability 
to fabricate images representative of cosmic forces. Among the Baule 
(#20, 21), where there is a strong tradition of self-concious aestheticism 
(apparently the closest we get in Africa to an art for art's sake), he is 
admired for his virtuosity. In some areas, however, art is practiced as a 
sideline by agriculturalists during the dry season. Generally speaking, 
most African art, like that of Medieval Europe, is anonymous; the artist 
is merely a means to the realization of the object. Thus the makers of 
the objects in the present exhibition, without exception, are uhknown to 
us by name. 

The viewer will notice that the objects in this exhibition are cate- 
gorized by tribal style, that most of them are dated to the 19th and 20th 
centuries and that many are of questionable date. African art is made 
for the most part of perishable materials (such as wood, cloth, raffia 
and fur) and in the tropical climate their susceptability to decay is greatly 
increased. This, coupled with the fact that many objects are made for 
temporary use (for a specific occasion), accounts for the relative paucity 
of objects of real antiquity. Further, in a culture which has no written 
languages, the dates of even such objects as might exist from the more 
distant past are lost in the obscurity of human forgetfulness (for written 
language is, among other things, cultural memory) or in oral traditions 
which are at best of doubtful reliability.* Given these circumstances we 

*A notable exception is the oral genealogy of the Biishongo Kings which 
mentions an eclipse of the sun by which scholars have been able to date 
various reigns, and thus date the culture-hero Shamba Bolongongo to c. 
A.D. 1600. It is still impossible, however, to determine the actual date of 
a wooden portrait statue of Shamba, 7iow in the British Museum, since it 
may well be a later copy or one of a series of copies of the original Shamba 
portrait. 



EINK ^RTS 
UBRARY 




can for the most part establish terminal dates for certain pieces only 
through collection data. By "collection data" we refer to the records of 
the person who collected the piece in Africa, with regard to the prove- 
nance of the piece (which is not always reliable because of the portability 
of small sculpture) and with regard to date, for the date of collection 
provides us with a terminus ante quern. Thus if a piece of sculpture was 
collected in 1901 we can say that it was carved before 1901, but we 
cannot say how long before. In lieu of dependable dating systems (with 
some exceptions, -especially in Nigeria), the art historian, supposing a 
certain continuity of tradition, concerns himself largely with the style- 
area of the piece, iconography (symbolism) when determinable, and the 
implications of form and symbol. In some cases it has also been possible 
to hypothesize diffusion of style and symbolism by close examination of 
formal and symbolic interrelationships. 

For the most part, however, style-area is the starting point for the 
art historian, and the determination of the style-area is abetted by a strik- 
ing feature of African art: the peculiar unity of style found in the works 
of the various tribal units, and the characteristic trait of this unity being 
inherent in the cohesiveness of the object-type and especially in the facial 
types of each tribal style. A brief purusal of the exhibition will also 
reveal that a distinct characteristic of virtually all of the free-standing 
figures is their bent-knee position. On the basis of this aspect of African 
style I should like briefly to consider, however tentatively, the provocative 
question of the nature of African style relative to what might be gen- 
eralized as an African Weltanschaming or world-view as expressed in 
sculpture. 

African art is closely linked with religion and philosophy, and African 
philosophy conceives of the universe in terms of dynamics or forces 
rather than in terms of static entities or substances. These forces are in 
constant interaction, and the purpose of religion and ritual is to maintain 
the harmony of these forces as they act upon the group. Further, the 
African makes a clear separation between those elements of the cosmos 
which possess "soul" (munin) and those which are merely "things" 
(kintu) : a man is miintu, a tree or animal is kintu. Because the universe is 
conceived of dynamically, there is within any given order of entities a 
constant interaction. Within the human sphere, this interaction is largely 
between the living and the dead: thus the importance of the ancestral 
dead to the living. African figure sculpture is usually divided into ances- 
tral figures and fetish figures, the boundary between which is not always 
clear. In general, though, the ancestor figure is representative of the 
ancestral prototype (the descendants and spiritual intermediaries of the 
godhead) whereas the fetish figure or fetish (for fetishes need not be 
figurative, but are often merely conglomerations of magically designated 
substances) is an agent of force-projection, against malignancy or to 
insure protection or success. In the manufacture of a piece of sculpture 
the artist fashions things into the representation of "souls". Contrary 
to popular belief, then, African figures are not worshipped as gods, but 
are instead representative of a complexity of forces, the spiritual inter- 
section of the living and the dead, the ancestral archetype, an aspect of 
divine manifestation or signal of a harmonized residing place of cosmic 
stresses. Thus if the figures are seen as paradoxical combinations of 
dead and living, we can perhaps gain some insight into the reasoning 
behind the codification of their imagery. For the most part African 
figures are represented as "doing nothing", that is performing no specific 
physical action. The hands are often placed on the front of the body, the 
knees flexed but the feet not fixed upon the ground. This pose, aside 



from referring to a common burial position, also has a formal function. 
The flexion of the knees removes the figure from implied gravitational 
action, thereby implicitly removing the piece from actual time and space. 
The sculpture may be seen as creating its own spiritualized environ- 
ment, suitable to its role of apprehending and projecting ideas of cosmic 
harmony. The constancy of the head imagery within a given style-area 
is in fact more than a simple statement of style. In fact, further research 
may finally lead us to the point of limiting the use of the work "style" 
to describe the variations of rendering in what we now call area-styles, 
and to term what we now call "area-style", area-image instead. For it is 
clear that the artists of a given ideological group carve with a general 
facial image in mind, the image perhaps of the ancestral archetype. The 
renderings of these images show stylistic variations, but the ideal image 
seems to remain fairly constant. This ideal image may be seen as a 
tangible expression of intangible forces. In addition to the relative im- 
portance of the head in these figures (for the head not only identifies 
the tribal image, but also contains in Bantu philosophy the center of 
intelligence) it will be noted that the navel is also often emphasized. 
This is probably because of its function as the center of life, the link 
between the mother and the child, and implicitly between the living and 
the dead. In summary, then, we can say that the ancestor figure is an 
image tacitly understood to embody (through abstraction of the specific, 
or microcosmic, into the general, or macrocosmic) the dynamic forces of 
the cosmos in harmony, acting as a symbol of spiritual and temporal 
cohesion. 

In the masks, the imagery seems to be less clearly defined, in that the 
mask, unlike the figure, is actually perceived not as a static symbol of 
dynamic forces, but as a constantly moving (the motion of the dance) 
embodiment of specific forces. Thus the mask often is not representa- 
tive of the meeting place of the living and the dead, but is more specif- 
ically designated as either living or dead. The white color of many 
masks (#45, 46) is symbolic of the dead. The actual face is often not the 
ancestral archetype (#15-19, 22, 23, etc.) but a more specific projection 
of forces tailored to the nature of the ritual. 

In essence the objects we encounter in this exhibition have a meaning 
beyond their mere (though not inconsiderable) formal beauty: they are 
results of an attempt to reconcile, through imagery, the time-bound 
individual and his society with the infinity and mystery of the cosmos. 



PLEASE REFER TO BACK GATE FOLD FOR NOTES TO PLATES 




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CATALOGUE 



'Items shown with star are reproduced 

1. HIGH PRIEST 

Mali, Dogon 

19th Century (or earlier) 

Wood, 20%" 

2. ANTELOPE MASK 

Mali, Dogon 

19th Century (or earlier) 

Wood, 471/2" 

3. STAFF SURMOUNTTD BY STYLIZED FIGURE 

Mali Dogon 
19th Century (?) 
Iron, 41%" 

4. ANTELOPE HEADDRESS (TJI WARA)' 

Mali, Bambara 
19th Century 
Wood, 1714" 

5. ANIMAL FACE MASK (KORE SOCIETY) 

Mali, Bambara 
19th Century (?) 
Wood, 1814" 

6. "JANUS" HELMET MASK* 

Upper Volta, Mossi 

19th Century 

Wood with polychrome, 23%" 

7. STANDING MALE FIGURE 

Upper Volta, Bobo 
19th Century 
Wood, 22" 

8. SEATED FEMALE FIGURE 

Ivory Coast, Senufo 
19th Century (or earlier) 
Wood, 11" 



9. MASK SURMOUNTED BY BIRD'S HEAD < 

Ivory Coast, Senufo 
19th Century (?) 
Wood, 12%" 

10. DOUBLE FACE MASK ' 

Ivory Coast, Senufo 
20th Century ( ? ) 
Brass, 10 M;" 

11. PAIR OF FIGURES 

Guinea, Baga 

19th Century (?) 

Wood, Female 27%", Male 261/2" 

12. BIRD WITH YOUNG (BOAT PROW) 

Guinea, Baga 
19th Century 
Wood with polychrome, 22" 



13. FIGURES CLASPING HANDS 

Portuguese Guinea, Bissagos Islands 
19th Century 
Wood, 14" 



14. STANDING WARRIOR WITH CAPTIVE 

Sierra Leone, Kissi ( ? ) 
Before A.D. 1850 
Stone, 6" 

15. "JANUS" HELMET MASK 

Sierra Leone, Mende 
19th Century (?) 
Wood, 13%" 

16. FACE MASK 

Liberia, Dan 
19th Century (?) 
Wood, 9%" 

17. ANTHROPOMORPHIC FACE MASK " 

Liberia, Dan 
19th Century (?) 
Wood, 9%" 

18. FACE MASK 

Liberia, Dan group 
20th Century 
Wood, 9%" 

19. WARTHOG FACE MASK (SOCIAL ARBITER) 

Liberia, Kran 

19th Century (?) 

Wood with attachments, 13" 



20. SEATED MALE FIGURE 

Ivory Coast, Baule 
20th' Century (?) 
Wood, 16%" 



21. DOUBLE FACE MASK ~ 

Ivory Coast, Baule 
19th Century ( ? ) 
Wood, 10" 



22. ANTELOPE FACE MASK (ZAMLE SOCIETY) 

Ivory Coast, Guro 

19th Century 

Wood with polychrome, 21" 



23. GORILU FACE MASK 

Ivory Coast, Guro 
19th Century (?) 
Wood with polychrome, 10%' 



24. STANDING FEMALE FIGURE 

Ivory Coast, Agni (?) 

19th Century 

Wood covered with gold, 14" 



25. CATFISH (GOLD WEIGHT) 

Ghana, Ashanti 
19th Century 
Brass, 1%" long 



37. STANDING MALE FIGURE 

Nigeria, North Nigerian Tribes 
19th Century (?) 
Wood, SVi" 



26. ALLIGATOR (GOLD WEIGHT) 

Ghana, Ashanti 
19th Century ( ? ) 
Brass, 4" long 



38. "JANUS" RITUAL POKER (IWANA) 

Nigeria, Yoruba 
19th Century ( ? ) 
Brass and Iron, 38" 



27. TWO FIGURES PLAYING MANKALA 

Ghana, Ashanti 
19th Century 
Brass, 3%" wide 



39. MOTHER AND CHILD WITH BIRD VESSEL 

Nigeria, Yoruba 

20th Century 

Wood with polychrome, 16" 



28. FERTILITY FIGURE (AKUA'BA) 

Ghana, Ashanti 
19th Century 
Wood, 15V2" 



40. MASK WITH ARTICULATED MOUTH 

Nigeria, Ibibio (Ekpu Society) 

19th Century 

Wood with fiber and hide, 22" 



29. FERTILITY FIGURE (AKUA'BA) 

Ghana, Fanti 
20th Century (?) 
Wood, 10 1^" 



41. SEATED BOUND (?) FIGURE 

Chad, Sao 
Before A.D. 1700 
Terra Cotta, 8%" 



30. HELMET MASK 

Dahomey, Fon 
19th Century 
Wood, 18" 



42. HEAD' 

Cameroun Grasslands 
19th Century ( ? ) 
Wood, 8" 



ARMLET 

Nigeria, Benin 

17th or 18th Century 

Ivory, bVi" 



43. ANIMAL HEAD 

Cameroun Grasslands 
19th Century (?) 
Brass, 101/2" 



ARMLET 

Nigeria, Benin 

16th or 17th Century 

Brass, 5Vs" high 



44. "JANUS" RELIQUARY FIGURE (MBULU VITI) 

Gabon, BaKota 

19th Century 

Wood, brass and copper, 29 12" 



33. BELT MASK (LEOPARD HEAD) 

Nigeria, Benin 
17th Century 
Brass, 7" 



45. FACE MASK ' 

Gabon, Fang style 

20th Century (?) 

Wood with polychrome, 13 ?i" 



HEAD*> 

Nigeria, Benin 
17th Century 
Teira Cotta, 6" 



46. SPIRIT FACE MASK 

Gabon, Ogowe River Style 

19th Century ( ? ) 

Wood with white colouring, 13%' 



SACRIFICIAL ALTAR "" 

Nigeria, Benin 

ca. 1800 

Wood, 16" high x 20 V2" wide 



47. STANDING FIGURE 

Congo (Brazzaville), Kuyu 
19th Century 
Wood, 22%" 



36. MOUNTED HORSEMAN 

Nigeria, Bini ( ?) 
Early 19th Century ( ? ) 
Wood, 19%" 



48. STANDING FETISH FIGURE 

Congo (Brazzaville), Babembe 

20th Century 

Wood with fabric, 6V4" 




Due 



Date Due 
Returned Due 



Returned 



49. STANDING FETISH FIGURE 

Congo (Leopoldville), Bakongj 

20th Century (?) 

Wood with brass and glass inla_ 



50. CUP o 

Congo (Leopoldville), BaYai 
20th Century 
Wood, 2Vz" 



51. FACE MASK 

Congo (Leopoldville), BaPend< 
19th Century 
Wooil, 10" 

52. CHIEFTAIN STOOL SUPPORTED BY " 

Congo (Leopoldville), Northerr_ 
20th Century 
Wood, 151/2" 

53. CHIEFTAIN STOOL SUPPORTED BY - 

Congo (Leopoldville), Bajokwe- 

20th Century 

Wood with metal, 16 '2" 

54. MORTUARY HEAD 

Congo (Leopoldville), BaKuba - 
litth Centurv 
Tukula, 31b" 



55. BOX WITH COVER 

Congo (Leopoldville), BaKuba 
20th Century 
Wood, 7" 



56. FOUR-HEADED FIGURE 

Congo (Leopoldville), Bena LuU 
r.tth Century ( ?) 
Wood, 12%" 



57. FACE MASK 

Congo (Leopoldville), Bena Lulua 

litth Century 

Wood with polychrome, 9 '/a" 



-SOCIETY)* 

-(BaLega) 



-(BaLega) 



[Soiycnroftie. ir 

STANDING FIGURE 

Tanganyika, Makonde 
19th Century 
Wood, 16" 





3 i^bE 04t5a' a3flb 






ARCH & 
FINE ARTS 
LIBRARY 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 



Elisofon, Eliot and 
William Fagg, 

Fagg, William, 
Filth, Raymond, 

Goldwater, Robert, 
Goldwater, Robert, 
Jahn, Janheinz, 
Leuzinger, Elsy, 
Murdock, G. P., 

Robbins, Warren M., 
Smith, Marian (Ed.), 



THE SCULPTURE OF AFRICA 
London & New York, 1958 

TRIBES AND FORMS IN AFRICAN ART 
New York, 1965 

ELEMENTS OF SOCIAL ORGANIZATION 
"The Social Framework of Primitive Art" 
London, 1951 

BAMBARA SCULPTURE OF WESTERN SU/ 
New York, 1960 / 

SENUFO SCULPTURE FROM WEST/ 

New York, 1964 

MUNTU 

London and New York, 1961 

AFRICA: THE ART OF N 
New York, 1958 

AFRICA : ITS PEC 
HISTORY 

London & New V 



AFRICAN 

London, V 



THE 

Ne- 



49. STANDING FETISH FIGURE 

Congo (Leopoldville), Bakongo 

20th Century (?) 

Wood with brass and glass inlays, ISVz' 



58. STANDING FETISH FIGURE '' 

Congo (Leopoldville), BaSonge 

19th Century ( ? ) 

Wood with attachments, 20%" 



50. CUP^ 

Congo (Leopoldville), BaYaka 
20th Century 
Wood, 21/2" 

51. FACE MASK 

Congo (Leopoldville), BaPende 
19th Century 
Wood, 10" 



59. FACE MASK 

Congo (Leopoldville), Wabembe 
19th Century 
Wood, 131/2" 

60. STANDING MALE FIGURE (BWAME SOCIETY) « 

Congo (Leopoldville), Warega (BaLega) 
20th Century 
Wood, 23%" 



52. CHIEFTAIN STOOL SUPPORTED BY FEMALE FIGURE 

Congo (Leopoldville), Northern BaLuba 
20th Century 
Wood, 151/2" 



61. GORILU FACE MASK 

Congo (Leopoldville), Warega (BaLega) 
19th Century ( ? ) 
Wood, 101/2" 



53. CHIEFTAIN STOOL SUPPORTED BY FIGURE 

Congo (Leopoldville), Bajokwe 

20th Century 

Wood with metal, 16 Vi" 



62. FACE MASK"" 

Congo (Leopoldville), Azande 

19th Century 

Wood with attachments, 18^" 



54. MORTUARY HEAD 

Congo (Leopoldville), BaKuba (Bushongo) 
l»th Centurv 
Tukula, 31/2" 



63. STANDING MALE FIGURE 

Batwabwa 
19th Century 
Wood, 21" 



55. BOX WITH COVER 

Congo (Leopoldville), BaKuba (Bushongo) 
20th Century 
Wood, 7" 



64. SEATED MONKEY WITH VESSEL 

Congo 

19th Century ( ? ) 

Wood, 18 1^" 



56. FOUR-HEADED FIGURE 

Congo (Leopoldville), Bena Lulua 
I'.ith Century (?) 
Wood, 12%" 



65. FACE MASK 

Ubangi-Shari 
19th Century 
Wood with polychrome, 151)4' 



57. FACE MASK 

Congo (Leopoldville), Bena Lulua 

l!)th Century 

Wood with polychrome, 9i/^" 



66. STANDING FIGURE 

Tanganyika, Makonde 
19th Century 
Wood, 16" 





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W. A 






NOTES TO ILLUSTRATIONS 



4. This female-antelope headpiece was attached to a basketry cap and 
worn in agricultural rituals. Worn only by men, but always in 
male-female pairs, they incarnate Tji Wara, a mythical bcinp who 
taupht cultivation, and symbolize the tireless husbandman. 

6. This ritual mask probably symbolizes an earth spirit. The abstracted 
face has a central ridge suRKestinpr the medial division of the face, 
and triangular cutouts for eyes. Both faces share a common pair of 
ears, but the differences in coiffure and configuration may suggest a 
difference in sex. 

9. Such ancestor masks (kpelie) were attached to elaborate costume and 

used in the initiation and funerary rites of lo society members, and at 
harvest festivals. The heraldic bird is a hornbill, symbol of fertility, 
and possibly of the blacksmith caste. Extending from the cheeks are 
what the Senufo usually refer to as legs. 

10. This metal kpelie is said to embody the male and female principles 
of the universe, and thereby fertility. 

17. This mask type is used by the powerful Poro secret society. Through 
a series of ritual sacrifices, masks like these gain power emanated 
by divine force. 

21. This mask would probably have been used for magical purposes and 
at the funerals of members of secret societies. 

34. Related to the famous bronze heads, this rare terra-cotta head would 
have been set upon the altar to a deceased king, with an ivory tusk 
placed in the hole in the top. 

35. The complex symbolism of this altar refers to the power of the king 
and queen-mother, and to the cult of the hand. 

42. In the Grasslands, the chiefs' houses are often elaborate, with the 
entrances enclosed by groups of human and animal images in high 
relief. This head is probably from such an architectural complex. 

45. This piece is probably a dance mask of the Ngi secret society, used 
against sorcerers and criminals. The white (kaolin paint) is sym- 
bolic of death. 

50, Such cups are reserved for persons of importance and are prestige 
objects. The faces carved on the sides are similar to those on BaYaka 
figures. 

52. Stools of this kind are the symbols and perogative of BaLuba 
royalty. Relatable to a tradition whereby the chief would sit upon 
one of his wives, this is a good example of the mixture of tribal 
custom and symbolic imagery. 

58. Characteristically BaSonge in the aggressive vitality of the form, 
such fetishes are used to control the forces that affect well-being. 
The horn on the head would likely have contained medicine. The 
attachments and implanted metal objects were used to increase the 
potency of the image. 

60. This figure, associated with the Bwame society, a graded initiation 
society, is a rare Warega figure type. It is similar in pose to certain 
BaMboIe Lilwa society figures. 

62. This is an interesting example of the African predeliction for mixed 
media, and of the synthesis of the products of European technology 
with native forms. 



''>'^"*'* f >?ih 



<M-^-.'r1 




UNIVERSITY GALLERY 

University of Florida 
Gainesville 

March 5-26, 1967 



DIVISION OF FINE ARTS 

University of South Florida 

Tampa 

April 11-May 10, 1967